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| Researchers, public policy makers and the
media first began to notice the huge increases in grandparent
maintained households around 1990, prompting them to question why this
was happening. A dramatic increase in analytical research occurred in
the early to mid- 1990s which focused on answering this question and
examining the area of grandparent care-giving in general (Burton 1992;
Chalfie 1994; Dowdell 1995; Dressel and Barnhill 1994; Jendrek 1994;
Joslin and Brouard 1995; Minkler and Roe 1993; Fuller-Thomson, Minkler,
and Driver 1997; Rutrough and Ofstedal 1997; Shor and Hayslip 1994).
Several reasons have been offered for the dramatic increases in
grandparents raising and helping to raise their grandchildren.
Increasing drug abuse among parents, teen pregnancy, divorce, the rapid
rise of single parent households, mental and physical illnesses, AIDS,
crime, child abuse and neglect, and incarceration are a few of the most
common explanations offered. (For a more thorough discussion of these
causes see Minkler 1998).
At the same time that research on
grandparents was on the rise, the media also began to focus attention on
the growing number of children being raised by their grandparents (In
Pittsburgh Newsweekly 1996; New York Times 1991; Philadelphia Inquirer
1994; Washington Post 1991). It wasn't long before federal lawmakers
followed suit -- both the Senate and the House of Representatives
recognized the importance of this trend as constituting a pressing issue
for public policy by holding Congressional hearings on the matter in
1992. The Senate hearings focused on the causes of the trend (U.S.
Senate, Special Committee on Aging 1992), while the House hearings
focused on the new roles and responsibilities of grandparents (U.S.
House of Representatives, Select Committee on Aging 1992). Both hearings
also focused on policy deficiencies in the areas of grandparent rights
and their access to public assistance.
As more recent data since
1990 have shown, the trend continues to grow. And although progress has
been made in understanding the causes of this trend and in documenting
the various hardships these grandparents and grandchildren face, the use
of univariate and bivariate methods and nonrepresentative samples has
limited our understanding of the relative importance of the factors
related to the well-being of grandparents and their grandchildren as
well as the generalizability of the findings. In this paper, we use the
1997 March Current Population Survey data to document the number of
grandparents who maintain households for their grandchildren and to show
how these numbers have changed in the 1990s. We focus on describing
five types of grandparent-maintained households -- both grandparents,
some parents present; both grandparents, no parents present; grandmother
only, some parents present; grandmother only, no parents present; and
grandfather only -- and examine who these grandparents are, where they
live, and how they fare economically. We also look at the
characteristics of the grandchildren in these homes and use multivariate
techniques to ascertain whether the type of family a grandchild lives
in affects his/her economic well-being, insurance coverage, and receipt
of public assistance.
Previous Research
Research on
grandparents raising and helping to raise their grandchildren has been
conducted in four broad areas: analyzing the relationships between
grandparents and their grandchildren, examining the mental and physical
health of grandparents and grandchildren, profiling
grandparent-maintained households and the grandparents or grandchildren
living in them, and documenting the relatively poor economic situation
of these families.
Research in the area of grandparent roles and
grandparent-grandchild relationships has focused on how historical and
experiential events shape the way the grandparent role is enacted
(Cherlin and Furstenberg 1986; Hagestad 1985). Rossi and Rossi (1990)
found that children who grew up in cohesive families with affectionate
parents exhibit stronger feelings of obligation as mature adults when
they are enacting the grandparent role. Childhood experiences with
grandparents also influence how grandparents interact with their own
grandchildren (King and Elder 1997). King and Elder (1995) also
discovered that relations between grandchildren and grandparents depend
on current relations between grandchildren and their parents, and more
importantly, on relations between their parents and grandparents.
Most
small qualitative studies have found significant health problems among
grandchildren being raised by their grandparents and the grandparents
raising them. Researchers have documented high rates of asthma, weakened
immune systems, poor eating and sleeping patterns, physical
disabilities and hyperactivity among grandchildren being raised by their
grandparents (Dowdell 1995; Minkler and Roe 1996; Shore and Hayslip
1994). Grandparents raising grandchildren also appear to be in poorer
health than their counterparts. Small scale studies have noted high
rates of depression, poor self-rated health, and multiple chronic health
problems among grandparents raising their grandchildren (Dowdell 1995;
Minkler and Roe 1993). On a national scale Minkler, Fuller-Thomson, and
Driver (1997) found that grandparents raising their grandchildren were
twice as likely to be clinically depressed when compared to grandparents
who play more traditional roles.
Several studies using larger
nationally representative data sets have focused primarily on describing
the demographic characteristics of custodial grandparents,
grandparent-maintained households, or the grandchildren residing in them
(Bryson and Casper 1998; Chalfie 1994; Fuller-Thomson, Minkler, and
Driver 1997; Rutrough and Ofstedal 1997; Saluter 1992). Additionally,
other demographic research has examined the demographic correlates of
care by grandparents within the larger context of kin care (Hardin,
Clark, and Maguire 1997). These studies have shown that Blacks are more
likely to raise their grandchildren (Bryson and Casper 1998; Chalfie
1994; Fuller-Thomson, Minkler, and Driver 1997; Rutrough and Ofstedal
1997) and that women are more likely to be caring for their
grandchildren than are men (Bryson and Casper 1998; Chalfie 1994 and
Fuller-Thomson, Minkler and Driver 1997). Hardin, Clark, and Maguire
(1997) also found that kin care was more common among black and Hispanic
children and that women were much more likely than men to be kin
caregivers.
A number of studies have focused on the economic
well-being of grandparents and their grandchildren, documenting their
disproportionately high poverty rates (Bryson and Casper 1998; Chalfie
1994; Fuller-Thomson, Minkler and Driver 1997; Rutrough and Ofstedal
1997). In addition, children in kinship care families have been shown to
be twice as likely to be receiving public assistance as other children
(Hardin, Clark, and Maguire 1997).
While the demographic
profiling and economic well-being studies have provided valuable
information about the number and characteristics of grandparent families
on a national scale, their usefulness has been diminished for a number
of reasons. First, a number of these studies did not focus on the
appropriate conceptual universe. The Hardin, Clark, and Maguire (1997)
study, while providing many useful insights on kinship caregiving, did
not consider grandparents separately. The Chalfie (1994) study only
examined grandparent caregiver households in which no other adults were
present -- the study failed to consider approximately two-thirds of the
grandparent-maintained households with parents present. While it is true
that grandparents who maintain a household for their grandchildren
without the presence of a parent are more likely to be the sole
caregivers for their grandchildren, grandparents maintaining a household
for their children and grandchildren are at the very least contributing
to the role of caregiving by providing shelter and should be included
in any study at the national level. Using the National Survey of
Families and Households (NSFH), Fuller-Thompson, Minkler and Driver
(1997) provided very important information on the timing and duration of
care and the characteristics of custodial grandparents who had raised a
grandchild since 1990. However, the study was not structured to give us
information about the numbers and kinds of grandparents who are
currently maintaining households for their grandchildren.
A
second problem is that to date, most of the profiling and economic
well-being studies completed with national data sets have presented
univariate distributions or bivariate comparisons of characteristics of
custodial grandparents, grandparent-headed households, or the
grandchildren living in them, limiting our ability to assess the
relative importance of various factors relating to the disadvantage of
different groups of grandchildren (Chalfie 1994; Rutrough and Ofstedal
1997). The one exception is the Fuller-Thomson, Minkler and Driver
(1997) study which looked at the relationship between various social and
economic factors and the likelihood of being a custodial versus
noncustodial grandparent. However, their study did not use multivariate
techniques to assess the well-being of these families. While these
studies have provided valuable basic information, to get a clearer
picture of the factors associated with the well-being of grandchildren,
we argue that multivariate methods should be employed.
A third
problem with previous profile and economic studies is that they have
tended to lump different types of families maintained by grandparents
together despite the fact that economic characteristics are likely to
vary by family structure. Chalfie (1994) and Fuller- Thomson, Minkler,
and Driver (1997) documented the gender of the grandparent, but
neglected to consider whether parents were present. Rutrough and
Ofstedal (1997) considered presence of parent, but not the gender of the
grandparent. We argue that information on the detailed family structure
of these households -- including information on the marital status and
gender of the grandparent, and the presence of parents -- is essential
for understanding the types of problems different families are likely to
encounter.
Why Should Family Structure Matter?
Research
has shown that one of the most important factors affecting economic
well-being is family structure ( Bianchi 1995; McLanahan, Casper, and
Sørensen 1995; McLanahan and Casper 1995; McLanahan and Sandefur 1994).
Poverty and family income are family characteristics rather than
individual characteristics. That is, people are defined as poor or
nonpoor based on the economic status of the family in which they live.
Two factors are particularly important in determining a family's
economic status: (1) the total income of the family and (2) the ratio of
dependents to earners in the family (the dependency ratio) (Sørensen
and McLanahan 1990). Marital status, the number of adult members in the
family, their gender, ages and their labor force participation influence
both of these components (Casper, McLanahan, and Garfinkel 1994).
Marital status, the number of adult members in the family, and their
gender are all elements of family structure. Thus, if we want to study
the economic well-being of grandchildren living in households maintained
by their grandparents, it is imperative to include a measure of family
structure.
Several studies have focused specifically on the
importance of family structure in assessing well-being. However, they
typically examined well-being among men and women or within married
couple, single parent and, to a lesser extent, stepparent families
(Casper, McLanahan, and Garfinkel 1994; McLanahan, Casper, and Sørensen
1995; McLanahan and Casper 1995; McLanahan and Sandefur 1994). To our
knowledge, no study has been undertaken to specifically examine how
family structure relates to well-being within grandparent-maintained
families.
In this research we improve and expand on previous
research in a number of ways. We use nationally representative data to
document the change in grandparent-maintained families by detailed type.
We use more recent data (1997) than any other study to profile
grandparents in all households maintained by grandparents presenting
characteristics by gender and family type and expand upon the number and
variety of characteristics presented in past research. We also look at
grandchildren in each of the family types and compare their
characteristics to children in households maintained by parents.
Finally, we use multivariate techniques to determine which types of
grandparent households make children the most vulnerable, as well as to
sort out which other factors are important.
Data and Analytical Samples
The
majority of the analysis in this paper is based on data from the March
1997 Current Population Survey (CPS) conducted by the U.S. Bureau of the
Census for the Bureau of Labor Statistics. The March CPS is a
nationally representative household survey of the civilian
noninstitutionalized population of the United States based on a complex
sample design. In 1997, 50,000 households were sampled in 754 sampling
areas across the United States. The main purpose of the CPS is to
collect labor force information to estimate the monthly national
unemployment rate and other employment statistics.
The March
supplement, administered each year since 1947, collects additional
information on household and family composition, income sources and
amounts, and other social and demographic information. Because
relatively comparable data have been collected for over half of a
century, the CPS is the best sample data for documenting changes in
family type and living arrangements. In addition, the large sample
allows for in-depth examination of relatively rare family types such as
grandfather only families and grandmother only families, with no parents
present.
In this paper, we examine the social and economic
characteristics of grandparents who maintain households for their
grandchildren and the grandchildren living with them. While the CPS
doesn't permit us to look at the day to day activities of the
grandparents and grandchildren, it does permit us to determine
co-residence within the grandparent's home. We argue that providing a
home is certainly one of the key components of caregiving and may be
used as a proxy for the number of grandparents raising or helping to
raise their grandchildren.
In their studies, Bryson and Casper
(1998) and Rutrough and Ofstedal (1994) included households maintained
by parents with grandparents present. We argue that this is
inappropriate for the purposes of this study because although these
grandparents may be babysitting for their grandchildren while the
parents are working, they are unlikely to be providing much economic
support and instead are more likely to rely on their children for
support. In fact, parent households with grandparents present are
qualitatively different from grandparent-maintained households -- parent
households with grandparents present are much less likely to be poor,
the grandparents are less likely to work and are more likely to be ill
(Bryson and Casper 1998; Rutrough and Ofstedal 1997).
Based on
the four elements of family type described above -- marital status, the
number of adult members in the family, their gender, and their
relationship to the child -- we define five family types for analysis:
both grandparents, some parents present; both grandparents, no parents
present; grandmother only, some parents present; grandmother only, no
parents present; and grandfather only.1 To estimate the number of
grandparents in each family type, we ascertain the gender, marital
status and living arrangements of the grandparents in all family
households in which a grandparent is the householder -- maintains a
household for at least one grandchild under 18.2 Three family household
types emerge: married couple grandparent family households (both spouses
present), grandmother only family households (no grandfather present),
and grandfather family households (no grandmother present). We then use
these three types to calculate the number of grandparents maintaining
households for their grandchildren:
Grandparents=(2 x Grandparent FH) + (Grandmother FH) + (Grandfather FH)
Grandmothers=(Grandparent FH) + (Grandmother FH)
Grandfathers=(Grandparent FH) + (Grandfather FH).
where FH is family households.
We
then use the "parent" variable to determine whether the parents of the
grandchildren are present in the household. The married-couple
grandparent and grandmother only family households are then further
categorized by presence of parent, yielding the five category typology
outlined above.
We constructed two files to examine the
characteristics of grandparents and grandchildren in each of the family
types. The grandparent file consists of records containing the family
characteristics and social, demographic, and economic information for
each grandparent. The grandchild file contains records for each
grandchild residing in their grandparent(s) household. This record
contains information about the grandchild, the family, and the
grandparent.
Descriptive Results
FAMILIES
In
1997, 6.7 percent of families with children under 18 were maintained by
grandparents. Of these families, 34 percent were both grandparents, some
parents present; 17 percent were both grandparents, no parents present;
29 percent were grandmother only, some parents present; 14 percent were
grandmother only, no parents present; and 6 percent were grandfather
only (Figure 2A). Slightly over half of these grandparent-maintained
families were maintained by both grandparents, 43 percent were
maintained by grandmothers only and 6 percent were maintained by
grandfathers only. About two-thirds of the families maintained by
grandparents had parents present.
In the 1990's, the number of
grandparent-maintained households increased 19 percent from 2,051,000 in
1990 to 2,444,000 in 1997. Each type of grandparent-grandchild family
increased in size between 1990 and 1997 (Figure 2B). Grandfather only
families grew by an astounding 39 percent. Families with the children's
parents absent also grew rapidly: both grandparents, no parents present
families grew by 31 percent and grandmother only, no parents present
families grew by 27 percent. Families with children's parents present
grew only 13 percent. This is consistent with other Census Bureau data
(presented in Figure 1) which shows the most growth among children
residing with their grandparents with neither parent present.
GRANDPARENTS
In
1997, there were 3.7 million grandparents maintaining households for
their grandchildren, the majority of whom were grandmothers -- 1.4
million grandfathers compared with 2.3 million grandmothers (Table 1).
When compared with grandmothers, grandfathers who maintain households
for their grandchildren are more likely to be White. In general,
grandfathers are more actively involved in the labor force and are less
likely to be poor than grandmothers. For example, 66 percent of
grandfathers are currently employed compared with 51 percent of
grandmothers, and 55 percent of grandfathers were employed full
time/full year in 1996 compared with only 37 percent of grandmothers.
Grandmothers are also almost twice as likely as grandfathers to be poor
(23 percent versus 12 percent). Grandfathers are also more likely to
have accumulated capital; they are more likely to own their own homes
(81 percent versus 69 percent).
Table 1 (8k)
Substantial
differences exist among family types for both grandfathers and
grandmothers. Among grandfathers, those with no spouse present are less
likely to be employed or to have worked full time/full year in 1996,
more likely to be renting a home, more likely to be Black, and more
likely to be poor when compared to other grandfathers. Similarly,
grandmothers in grandmother only, no parent present households are less
likely to have graduated from high school, less likely to be employed or
to have been employed full time/full year in 1996, more likely to rent
their home, more likely to be Black, and more likely to be poor when
compared to other grandmothers.
Among all family types,
grandmothers maintaining households alone are much more likely than
grandparents in other family types to face economic hardship. For
example, the mean household income of grandmother only, no parents
present households is only $19,750, compared with $61,632 for households
with both grandparents and a parent or parents of the grandchildren
present. Grandmothers maintaining households alone, with no spouse or
parents present, are also much less likely than other grandparent
householders to be in the labor force.
GRANDCHILDREN
In
1997, there were 3.9 million grandchildren living in households
maintained by their grandparents -- 32 percent in both grandparents,
some parents present families; 15 percent in both grandparents, no
parents present families; 29 percent in grandmother only, some parents
present families; 17 percent in grandmother only, no parents present
families; and 6 percent in grandfather only families (Table 2).
Table 2 (5k)
Children
living in homes maintained by their grandparents differ greatly from
those living in households maintained by their parents. One striking
difference is that children living with grandparents are more likely to
live with caregivers who have not graduated from high school. One-third
of grandchildren living in their grandparents' homes are in households
where no grandparent has a high school diploma. In contrast, only
one-eighth of the children in parent-headed households have parents who
have not finished high school. When compared to children living in a
home maintained by their parent(s), those living in a home maintained by
their grandparent(s) are more likely: to be younger, to have a
household head who is older and who did not work in 1996, to live in the
South and in central cities, and to be poor.
Characteristics of
grandchildren living in different types of grandparent-headed
households also differ. Overall, half of the grandchildren living in
their grandparents' homes are younger than 6. When a parent or parents
of the grandchildren are present in grandparent-headed households, it is
more likely that the grandchildren will be preschool age. When parents
of the grandchildren are not present, it is more likely that the
grandchildren will be older. Grandchildren living with grandmothers
only, regardless of whether or not a parent is in the home, are much
more likely than those in other family types to be Black, and to be
living in the central city of a metropolitan area.
A grandchild
living in a grandmother only, no parent family is relatively uncommon
among grandchildren living in their grandparents' homes -- only 669,000
of the 3,894,000 grandchildren live in families of this type. However,
the profile of a grandchild living in this family type comes closest to
the much sensationalized popular stereotype of grandparents who raise
their grandchildren: a poor, undereducated, single, nonemployed,
grandmother caring for a black grandchild in a central city.
But
how are grandchildren living in different types of families faring?
Grandchildren in grandmother only, no parents present families are
substantially more likely to be poor and to be receiving public
assistance than children in any other family type, but especially
compared to those living in households maintained by their parents
(Figure 3). However, grandchildren in both grandparents, no parents
present families are the most likely to be uninsured.
In
the next section, we use multivariate techniques to establish if family
type is still significantly related to poverty status, health insurance
coverage, and receipt of public assistance when other socioeconomic and
demographic variables are taken into account.
Multivariate Methods
We
specify three logistic regression equations to examine three facets of
the well-being of grandchildren residing in their grandparents'
households: poverty, health insurance coverage, and receipt of public
assistance. Our sample includes all grandchildren living in households
maintained by grandparents except those in grandfather-only families. We
eliminate these grandchildren from the analysis because there are too
few cases.
For the logistic regressions shown in this paper, the
observations were first weighted, then divided by the average weight of
the sample to approximate the actual number of cases in the regression.
The CPS has a complex sample design, involving clustering, multistage
sampling, and stratification. As a result, standard errors produced by
SAS tend to be underestimated. To adjust for these sample "design
effects" we multiply the standard errors produced in SAS by 1.87 for the
poverty model and 1.52 for the health insurance and public assistance
models (the square root of the design effects), and recalculate the
significance levels based on the adjusted standard errors. Because the
CPS is a sample of households, this adjustment is particularly important
when estimating individual characteristics from family or household
traits such as poverty, health insurance, and receipt of public
assistance.
DEPENDENT VARIABLES
Family Income Below Poverty Level
We
use a dichotomous variable to indicate whether or not a grandchild is
living in a family whose income in 1996 was below the poverty level. The
1996 poverty thresholds are adjusted for the size of the family and the
age of the members.3 A family income of $16,036 is the average
threshold for a family of four, but, for a family consisting of a
grandparent and two grandchildren, the poverty threshold would only be
$12,641 (Lamison-White, 1997, Table A-2).
Grandchild Without Health Insurance
This
is a dichotomous variable indicating whether or not a grandchild was
without health insurance at any time in 1996. Both private
(employer-provided and privately purchased) and public (Medicaid,
CHAMPUS/Tricare, and other government health care) insurance are
included. Private insurance may have been provided on behalf of or
purchased by grandparents, co-resident parents, or by parents or others
living outside the household. If the grandchild had health insurance at
any time during 1996, he or she is considered to have been insured.
Receipt of Public Assistance
This
dichotomous variable indicates whether or not a grandchild was living
in a household that received any public assistance during 1996. We
include as public assistance free or reduced price school lunches under
the Federal School Lunch program; residence in a public housing project;
rent subsidies from federal, state, or local government; food stamps;
energy assistance from federal, state, or local government; and cash
assistance from AFDC/ADC/TANF, or any other welfare payments. If anyone
in the household received any of these benefits at any time during 1996,
the grandchild is considered to have received public assistance.
INDEPENDENT VARIABLES
Family Type
Based
on our earlier discussion we assume that family status matters, not
only in predicting poverty, but also in predicting public assistance
because poverty status is used in determining eligibility. Family status
should also affect health insurance coverage because private health
insurance coverage is associated with parent presence, and poverty
status is used in determining eligibility for MEDICAID. Our measures of
family type are a set of dichotomous variables indicating whether or not
the grandchild is living in one of these types of grandparent- headed
families: both grandparents, some parents present; both grandparents, no
parents present; grandmother only, some parents present; or grandmother
only, no parents present. Both grandparents, some parents present is
the omitted category.
We expect that grandchildren in those
family types with the fewest adult members will be the most
disadvantaged because, all else being equal, they tend to have fewer
adult members in the family who can earn money or provide child care
while other members work. That is, we expect grandchildren in
grandmother only families, regardless of the presence of parents, to be
more likely to be poor and to be uninsured than grandchildren in both
grandparents families. This is because both grandparents families have
at least one more adult (the spouse) who can either contribute to
earnings or care for the grandchild(ren) while the other grandparent
works. Grandchildren living in grandmother only families should also be
more likely to be receiving public benefits, because they are more
likely to be poor and thus, to qualify. Similarly, and for the same
reasons, we would expect grandchildren in families with no parents
present to be more likely to be poor, to be uninsured, and to be
receiving public assistance than those with one or both parents present.
Women, especially older women, earn less, are less likely to be
employed, and tend to have fewer assets than men (Bianchi 1995). For
this reason we would expect grandchildren in grandmother only families
to be worse off than grandchildren living in both grandparents families,
all else being equal.
Taken together, this set of hypotheses
suggests that grandchildren living in both grandparents, some parents
present families should fare the best, and those in grandmother only, no
parents present families should fare the worst. Furthermore, to the
extent that a parent, or parents contribute more economically to the
family than a grandfather does, we would expect grandchildren in
grandmother only, parent present families to fare better than
grandchildren living with both grandparents, no parents present
families. On the other hand, if the grandfather contributes more than
the parent or parents, grandchildren in both grandparents, no parents
present families should fare better.
Other Factors
In
addition to the family type variables, we include in our models several
sets of dummy variables representing race and Hispanic origin, age of
the householder, age of the grandchild, number of children in the
household, grandparents' education, grandparents' employment in 1996,
region of residence, metropolitan status, and for the uninsured and
public assistance models, income relative to poverty level.
We
expect that black and Hispanic grandchildren will be more likely to be
poor, uninsured, and receiving public assistance than white
grandchildren. Furthermore, we expect those grandchildren with younger
grandparents, more children in the home, less educated grandparents, and
nonemployed grandparents to be more likely to be in poverty, to be
uninsured, and to be receiving public assistance. We expect
grandchildren who are poor to be less likely to be insured. We also
expect that grandchildren who are poor will be more likely to be
receiving public assistance, again because they are more likely to
qualify.
Multivariate Results
FAMILY INCOME BELOW POVERTY LEVEL
Family
type does affect the probability that a grandchild will be in poverty
(Table 3). We find that in support of our hypotheses, grandchildren in
grandmother only, no parents present families are more likely to be poor
than those in both grandparents, some parents present families, even
when controlling for the other factors in the model. The odds ratio (not
shown in Table 3) indicates that these grandchildren are 5.6 times more
likely to be poor than grandchildren in both grandparents, some parents
present households. However, children in both grandparents, no parents
present families and those in grandmother only, some parents present
families are no more likely to be poor than those in both grandparents,
some parents present families (the omitted category). These findings
support the bivariate results presented in Figure 3 and indicate that
the relationship between family type and poverty holds up even when
controlling for other factors.
Table 3 (5k)
Several
other factors are also significant in this model. Our results support
the bivariate results in other research all else being equal, black and
Hispanic grandchildren are more likely to be poor. Grandchildren in
households with three or more members under 18, or whose grandparents do
not have a high school diploma are more likely to be poor than those
with one child in the household and those whose grandparents are better
educated. Grandchildren with at least one grandparent who worked during
1996, or whose grandparents are 55 or older are less likely to be poor
than those whose grandparents were not employed or are younger than 45.
GRANDCHILDREN WITHOUT HEALTH INSURANCE
Family
structure is also significant in predicting whether a grandchild had
any health insurance in 1996. Grandchildren in both grandparents, no
parents present families were much more likely to be uninsured for the
entire year of 1996. Other things being equal, grandchildren in these
families are 2.7 times more likely than those in both grandparents, some
parents present families to have been uninsured. These results
partially confirm our hypotheses in that the more adults there were in
the family type, the less likely children were to be uninsured. But this
is only true for both grandparent family types. Grandchildren in
grandmother only families, regardless of the presence of parents, are no
more or less likely to be uninsured when compared to both grandparents,
some parents present families. The results of this model also support
the findings in the bivariate analysis and indicate that even when
controlling for the other factors, family structure matters.
Only
two other factors are significant in predicting health insurance
coverage in this model. Grandchildren in families with incomes 150 to
199% of the poverty level are more likely to be uninsured than are those
in families with incomes 200% of the poverty level and over. Also,
grandchildren in the South are less likely to be uninsured.
In
contrast to what was expected, black and Hispanic grandchildren were no
more likely to have been uninsured in 1996 than were white children.
Once poverty level and other factors are controlled for, black and
Hispanic children do not appear to be more disadvantaged than white
grandchildren when it comes to being covered by health insurance.
RECEIPT OF PUBLIC ASSISTANCE
Family
structure also works as we hypothesized in predicting grandchildren's
receipt of public assistance. Net of the other factors in the model,
grandchildren in grandmother only, no parents present families are more
than twice as likely as grandchildren in both grandparents, some parents
present families to have lived in a family that received assistance
during 1996. However, grandchildren in both grandparent, some parent
families and grandmother only, some parent families, were no more likely
to be receiving assistance than those in both grandparents, some
parents present families. These results also confirm the bivariate
results shown in Figure 3, and suggest that the relationship between
family structure and receipt of public assistance continues to exist
even when other factors are taken into account.
As expected,
other factors are also significant in predicting receipt of public
assistance. The family income relative to poverty indicators are all
significantly related to the likelihood that grandchildren received
assistance in 1996. Grandchildren in poor and near-poor grandparent-
headed families are more likely to receive assistance than those in more
well-to-do grandparent- headed families, all else being equal.
Grandchildren
who live in households with three or more children are more likely to
have received assistance than those who live in households with only one
child. All else being equal, grandchildren with older grandparents and
those where at least one grandparent worked full time throughout 1996
are less likely to have received assistance, compared with those with
younger grandparents and those with grandparents who were unemployed in
1996.
Our race results differ from those presented in other
studies. Race and Hispanic origin do not significantly affect the
likelihood that grandchildren have received assistance -- minority
grandchildren are no more likely than others to receive public
assistance, net of the effects of family structure, income level
relative to poverty, and other factors in the model.
Discussion
Our
results indicate that children who live in grandparents' homes do not
fare as well economically as those who live in their parents' homes. To a
certain extent, this is to be expected since grandparents tend to be
older than parents and therefore past their prime earning years. Yet,
even within grandparents' homes some grandchildren fare better than
others because different types of family structures afford different
advantages. We hypothesized that grandchildren residing in grandmother
only families without any parents would fare the worst. The results
indicate that this is indeed the case grandchildren residing in
grandmother only, no parents present families are much more likely than
grandchildren in any other family type to be in poverty. Furthermore, we
expected that grandchildren in both grandparents, some parents present
families would be doing the best. However, these grandchildren were no
less likely to be poverty than those in both grandparents, no parents
present, and grandmother only, some parents present households.
These
findings suggest that the family structure disadvantage for
grandchildren does not stem solely from the marital status of the
household heads, nor from the number of adult family members, nor even
from the gender of the householder, but rather from a combination of the
three. Grandmothers in grandmother only, no parents present families
suffer the disadvantages associated with each of the three elements we
used to define family structure -- the marital status of the
grandparents, their gender, and the presence of parents in the
household. They suffer because they have no spouse or parents of their
grandchildren in the household to help shoulder the burden of providing
care and financial support. In addition, they suffer because of their
low earnings and labor force participation relative to grandfathers --
grandmother householders earn on average about $13,000 less a year and
are 15 percentage points less likely to be employed than grandfather
householders. It appears that only when these three detrimental factors
of family structure are combined that grandchildren are more likely to
be in poverty.
We found that grandchildren in both grandparents,
no parents present families were much more likely than other
grandchildren to be uninsured. Family structure in this case poses a
different set of disadvantages because of its special relationship to
the dependent variable. A primary source of insurance coverage for
children is through their parents' employers. This type of coverage is
more unlikely among grandchildren in this family type because they don't
have parents residing with them. In addition, those grandparents who
are employed may not be able to obtain coverage for their grandchildren
under their employer-provided health insurance, forcing them to purchase
an individual policy which may be prohibitively expensive. Moreover,
relative to grandparents in other family types, grandparents in both
grandparents, some parents present families may have incomes too high to
qualify for public health insurance, but not high enough to enable them
to purchase private health insurance for their grandchildren.
We
expected that grandchildren in grandmother only, no parents present
households would be the least likely to be insured, but this was not the
case. These grandchildren may not be any more likely to be uninsured
than those in the two types of parents present families because they are
more likely to be poor and to qualify for MEDICAID. In fact, a higher
percentage of grandchildren do receive MEDICAID in grandmother only, no
parents present families (72 percent) compared with those in both
grandparents, parents present and grandmother only, parents present
families (45 percent and 55 percent respectively).
The fact that
there are very few significant factors in this model and many plausible
explanations for the family structure effect suggests that it may be
necessary to use a multinomial logit model to look at MEDICAID, private
insurance, and no insurance separately to adequately explain the effects
of family structure.
Despite the fact that grandchildren in
grandmother only, no parents present families are more likely to be
poor, they are also more likely to be receiving some type of public
assistance than grandchildren in other family types. This is what one
might expect, given that in order to qualify for many benefits, families
must be poor. This finding is encouraging in so much as public
assistance does seem to go where it's most needed. It is important to
note that family structure has an effect independent of the ratio of
family income to poverty. This suggests that something about this
particular family type makes these grandmothers more able to secure the
benefits they need. Perhaps these grandmothers were single mothers who
themselves received public assistance and therefore are better able to
negotiate the system.
Although there were not enough cases to
meaningfully include grandchildren living in grandfather only families
in the multivariate analyses, the bivariate results regarding
grandparents point to additional family structure differences.
Grandfathers in grandfather only families are much more likely to be in
poverty and much less likely to be active in the labor force than
grandfathers in married-couple families. This underscores the fact that
marital status, one of our defining elements of family structure, makes a
difference among grandfathers as well.
It is interesting to
note that race is only significant in the model predicting poverty. All
else being equal, black and Hispanic grandchildren are more likely than
white grandchildren to be in poverty. However, they are no more likely
to be uninsured or to be receiving assistance, once other factors such
as income relative to poverty level are taken into account. This
suggests that benefits are being distributed fairly -- that is,
according to need, rather than race. The fact that black and Hispanic
children are still more likely be poor even though they are equally as
likely to have received benefits, may mean the benefits are not enough
to raise them out of poverty, or that their coverage tends to be more
sporadic than white grandchildren's coverage.
Conclusions
The
data we present in this study indicate a great increase in the number
of grandparent- maintained families since 1990. Our research has shown
that the most disadvantaged grandparent-maintained families are growing
the fastest: grandfather only families, and families with no parents
present. These continued increases are particularly troublesome because
the development of programs and policies to address the special needs of
grandparents and their grandchildren has not kept pace.
We find
that many grandparents and the grandchildren they are raising or are
helping to raise are in dire economic straits. Family structure -- the
marital status of the grandparents, their gender, and the presence or
absence of parents in the home-- is related to the economic well- being
of grandparent-maintained families. Overall, 27 percent of children
living in homes maintained by their grandparents are in poverty. Almost
two-thirds of children in grandmother only, no parents present families
are in poverty. In contrast, 19 percent of children living in homes
maintained by their parents are in poverty. In addition, the vast
majority of grandparents who provide homes for their grandchildren are
women, and grandmothers are more economically disadvantaged than
grandfathers.
Grandparents and their grandchildren would benefit
greatly if policies and programs intended to help traditional
parent-child families in times of need could be uniformly extended to
grandchildren. Moreover, many grandparents are still in the labor force
and with the advent of welfare reform, many more could be required to
get a job, especially those in families with no parents present. As more
and more grandparents find themselves raising children, the need for
employer-based or subsidized child care and family-friendly policies for
grandparents and their families can be expected to grow.
Endnotes
We
do not distinguish among grandfather families with and without parents
present, because the sample is too small to allow for accurate estimates
of these two sub-groups.
In this sample, we omit a small number (2 sample cases) of ever married grandchildren under 18.
Family members are those persons who are related to the householder by blood, marriage, or adoption.
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Population Division Working Papers
Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Population Division,
Fertility & Family Statistics Branch
Authors: Lynne M. Casper and Kenneth R. Bryson
Last Revised: November 02, 2000 at 03:09:31 PM
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